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GenghisKush

Well-known member
@Microbeman I think you'll find this op-ed (with which I agree wholeheartedly) relevant to your interests.

@moose eater, human rights and human dignity are universal and aren't derived from any Blood and Soil stories about race, or ancestry.

No One’s Rights Should Depend on Where Their Ancestors Lived​

BY BEN BURGIS

Arguments over whether Israelis or Palestinians count as “really indigenous” are beside the point. No one’s human rights should depend on their ethnicity or religion or where their ancestors come from.

GettyImages-1233041064.jpg

People who insist that either Palestinians or Israelis are "indigenous" to the land are embracing the logic of reactionaries. (Morteza Nikoubazl / NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Claudia Tenney is a congresswoman from upstate New York. Much of her district (NY-24) was, for centuries before “New York state” came into existence, the territory of the Iroquois Confederacy. A right-wing Republican, Tenney presumably doesn’t think much of land acknowledgments or hand-wringing about the idea that NY-24 sits on “stolen land.”

And yet Tenney is in the news this week for introducing something called the RECOGNIZING Judea and Samaria Act. She wants to require that US government documents stop referring to the Israeli-occupied West Bank as the “West Bank” and start calling it “Judea and Samaria.” She claims that “the term ‘West Bank’” is “used to delegitimize Israel’s historical claim to this land.”

The idea seems to be that, because ancient Jewish kingdoms were located there thousands of years ago, and Israeli Jews are descendants of the people who lived in those kingdoms, Palestinian rights are irrelevant. It’s a bit like an extremely high-stakes diplomatic land acknowledgment.

Tenney is far from the only one on the Right thinking this way, as Israel rains death and destruction on the civilian population of Gaza and pogroms by Israeli settlers terrorize Palestinians in the West Bank. At a recent appearance at the Cambridge Union in the UK, conservative pundit Ben Shapiro argued that Israel is “the ultimate case of decolonization in human history after return of a native population to its homeland and battle to throw off the shackles of the British Empire.”

There’s surely an element of trolling in Shapiro’s use of this language. Since when does he care about “decolonization” anywhere else? But he’s deadly serious about his support for the status quo in Israel/Palestine. He recently claimed, for example, that a Palestinian state would be an unacceptable “terrorist entity on Israel’s borders.” And I seriously doubt that Shapiro wants the five million or so Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza to be granted Israeli citizenship, which would make Israel no longer a specifically “Jewish state” but a multiethnic democracy with roughly equal numbers of Jewish and Palestinian citizens.

So presumably he wants those millions of people to continue to be denied basic rights — to continue to be tried in military courts instead of real courts when they’re accused of crimes, for example, and to continue to be unable to vote their rulers out of office. And the justification for that would have to be the one cited by Congresswoman Tenney: Israel’s “historical claim” to the land.

There’s also a misguided — and, I hope, relatively small — segment of Palestine solidarity activists who take the mirror image of this position. They’re rightly horrified by the denial of democratic rights to the Palestinians, and especially by the mass starvation and indiscriminate bombing in Gaza, where the Israeli military has displaced at least 85 percent of the population from their homes since October. This anger leads them to indulge in ugly rhetoric about how the entire population of seven million or so Israeli Jews, the great majority of whom were born in the country, are “settlers” and “colonizers.” I’ve seen social media posts, for example, where pictures of stereotypically “white”-looking Israeli Jews with European-sounding surnames are used to mock the idea that Israelis are “indigenous to the Middle East.”

The implication happens to be wrong. On at least some estimates, Ashkenazi Jews, whose ancestors once lived in Northern or Eastern Europe, make up less than a third of Israel’s Jewish population. They’re greatly outnumbered by Israeli Jews whose ancestors lived in various Middle Eastern countries during the same time period and who often had to flee from those countries in the twentieth century. But this kind of rhetoric isn’t just wrong because it’s based on a shaky understanding of the facts. It’s deeply wrong in principle.

The great German socialist thinker August Bebel famously said that antisemitism is “the socialism of fools,” since antisemites tend to scapegoat cabals of “Jewish bankers” for the problems of an entire economic system. To tweak Bebel’s observation a bit, this kind of rhetoric about all Israelis being “settlers” whose presence in their country is illegitimate represents the anti-Zionism of fools. Zionism should be rejected because ethnostates are wrong in principle. No nation-state should be a state “of” a specific ethnic or religious subset of its residents, and the most just solution would be a single secular democratic state with equal rights for everyone.

People who insist that Palestinians are “indigenous” and Israelis are not, and who think this is what makes the struggle for Palestinian rights legitimate, are embracing the logic of reactionaries like Tenney and Shapiro while reversing the implication. The problem with the Right’s claim that Israel is justified in denying basic rights to millions of people because of historical Jewish claims to “Judea and Samaria” is not that the right-wingers are misidentifying who counts as “truly” indigenous. The wildly reactionary premise is that this is even a relevant question.

The Iroquois Confederacy probably came together somewhere between five hundred and nine hundred years ago, depending on which estimates you believe. The tribes that made it up were already there before that, and presumably before they were there, other groups lived in the same area. Humans have lived there for about ten thousand years. It was wrong to displace the Iroquois, and if their ancestors displaced some earlier group, that was wrong too. Whatever injustices fill the history books, though, everyone except for outright racists and fascists takes it for granted that everyone who lives there now should have equal rights now, regardless of any ethnic group’s “historical claims.” The exact same principle should apply to Israel/Palestine.

Even someone as rabidly right-wing as Tenney would presumably grant that everyone in her district should have democratic rights, regardless of whether their ancestors lived in the Iroquois Confederacy or their great-great-grandparents came to New York from Ireland in the 1800s or they’re first-generation immigrants who took their citizenship test last week. And anyone who can acknowledge that should also recognize that no one in Israel/Palestine should be denied rights based on their ancestors having lived in the wrong place — whether “wrong” ancestry means not being descended from ancient Judeans and Samarians or not having great-great-grandparents who lived in Palestine before the formation of the state of Israel.

The problem with Zionism is that it’s obscene for anyone’s status or rights in the area where they live to depend on their ethnicity or religion or where their ancestors lived. Zionism should be rejected not because we think Palestinians have a better claim than Israeli Jews to a blood-and-soil connection to the land, but on the basis of the universalist principles that have always formed the rock-solid normative basis of the socialist movement and, before that, were proclaimed by the French Revolutionaries in 1789.

Those principles say that everyone is entitled to the same package of rights, just for being a human being. Socialists think that package includes the right to have your material needs met and the right to have a say in the economic decisions that touch your life. But even liberals believe in a set of universal rights that are clearly inconsistent with displacing anyone from their homes or denying anyone a democratic say in the political institutions that govern them because they come from the “wrong” ethnic background.

Many actually existing liberals are woefully inconsistent in their application of these principles, especially when it comes to Israel/Palestine. But the principles themselves are correct, and sticking to them is the only way out of interminable and deadly land feuds.
 

moose eater

Well-known member
Perh
@Microbeman I think you'll find this op-ed (with which I agree wholeheartedly) relevant to your interests.

@moose eater, human rights and human dignity are universal and aren't derived from any Blood and Soil stories about race, or ancestry.

No One’s Rights Should Depend on Where Their Ancestors Lived​

BY BEN BURGIS

Arguments over whether Israelis or Palestinians count as “really indigenous” are beside the point. No one’s human rights should depend on their ethnicity or religion or where their ancestors come from.

GettyImages-1233041064.jpg

People who insist that either Palestinians or Israelis are "indigenous" to the land are embracing the logic of reactionaries. (Morteza Nikoubazl / NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Claudia Tenney is a congresswoman from upstate New York. Much of her district (NY-24) was, for centuries before “New York state” came into existence, the territory of the Iroquois Confederacy. A right-wing Republican, Tenney presumably doesn’t think much of land acknowledgments or hand-wringing about the idea that NY-24 sits on “stolen land.”

And yet Tenney is in the news this week for introducing something called the RECOGNIZING Judea and Samaria Act. She wants to require that US government documents stop referring to the Israeli-occupied West Bank as the “West Bank” and start calling it “Judea and Samaria.” She claims that “the term ‘West Bank’” is “used to delegitimize Israel’s historical claim to this land.”

The idea seems to be that, because ancient Jewish kingdoms were located there thousands of years ago, and Israeli Jews are descendants of the people who lived in those kingdoms, Palestinian rights are irrelevant. It’s a bit like an extremely high-stakes diplomatic land acknowledgment.

Tenney is far from the only one on the Right thinking this way, as Israel rains death and destruction on the civilian population of Gaza and pogroms by Israeli settlers terrorize Palestinians in the West Bank. At a recent appearance at the Cambridge Union in the UK, conservative pundit Ben Shapiro argued that Israel is “the ultimate case of decolonization in human history after return of a native population to its homeland and battle to throw off the shackles of the British Empire.”

There’s surely an element of trolling in Shapiro’s use of this language. Since when does he care about “decolonization” anywhere else? But he’s deadly serious about his support for the status quo in Israel/Palestine. He recently claimed, for example, that a Palestinian state would be an unacceptable “terrorist entity on Israel’s borders.” And I seriously doubt that Shapiro wants the five million or so Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza to be granted Israeli citizenship, which would make Israel no longer a specifically “Jewish state” but a multiethnic democracy with roughly equal numbers of Jewish and Palestinian citizens.

So presumably he wants those millions of people to continue to be denied basic rights — to continue to be tried in military courts instead of real courts when they’re accused of crimes, for example, and to continue to be unable to vote their rulers out of office. And the justification for that would have to be the one cited by Congresswoman Tenney: Israel’s “historical claim” to the land.

There’s also a misguided — and, I hope, relatively small — segment of Palestine solidarity activists who take the mirror image of this position. They’re rightly horrified by the denial of democratic rights to the Palestinians, and especially by the mass starvation and indiscriminate bombing in Gaza, where the Israeli military has displaced at least 85 percent of the population from their homes since October. This anger leads them to indulge in ugly rhetoric about how the entire population of seven million or so Israeli Jews, the great majority of whom were born in the country, are “settlers” and “colonizers.” I’ve seen social media posts, for example, where pictures of stereotypically “white”-looking Israeli Jews with European-sounding surnames are used to mock the idea that Israelis are “indigenous to the Middle East.”

The implication happens to be wrong. On at least some estimates, Ashkenazi Jews, whose ancestors once lived in Northern or Eastern Europe, make up less than a third of Israel’s Jewish population. They’re greatly outnumbered by Israeli Jews whose ancestors lived in various Middle Eastern countries during the same time period and who often had to flee from those countries in the twentieth century. But this kind of rhetoric isn’t just wrong because it’s based on a shaky understanding of the facts. It’s deeply wrong in principle.

The great German socialist thinker August Bebel famously said that antisemitism is “the socialism of fools,” since antisemites tend to scapegoat cabals of “Jewish bankers” for the problems of an entire economic system. To tweak Bebel’s observation a bit, this kind of rhetoric about all Israelis being “settlers” whose presence in their country is illegitimate represents the anti-Zionism of fools. Zionism should be rejected because ethnostates are wrong in principle. No nation-state should be a state “of” a specific ethnic or religious subset of its residents, and the most just solution would be a single secular democratic state with equal rights for everyone.

People who insist that Palestinians are “indigenous” and Israelis are not, and who think this is what makes the struggle for Palestinian rights legitimate, are embracing the logic of reactionaries like Tenney and Shapiro while reversing the implication. The problem with the Right’s claim that Israel is justified in denying basic rights to millions of people because of historical Jewish claims to “Judea and Samaria” is not that the right-wingers are misidentifying who counts as “truly” indigenous. The wildly reactionary premise is that this is even a relevant question.

The Iroquois Confederacy probably came together somewhere between five hundred and nine hundred years ago, depending on which estimates you believe. The tribes that made it up were already there before that, and presumably before they were there, other groups lived in the same area. Humans have lived there for about ten thousand years. It was wrong to displace the Iroquois, and if their ancestors displaced some earlier group, that was wrong too. Whatever injustices fill the history books, though, everyone except for outright racists and fascists takes it for granted that everyone who lives there now should have equal rights now, regardless of any ethnic group’s “historical claims.” The exact same principle should apply to Israel/Palestine.

Even someone as rabidly right-wing as Tenney would presumably grant that everyone in her district should have democratic rights, regardless of whether their ancestors lived in the Iroquois Confederacy or their great-great-grandparents came to New York from Ireland in the 1800s or they’re first-generation immigrants who took their citizenship test last week. And anyone who can acknowledge that should also recognize that no one in Israel/Palestine should be denied rights based on their ancestors having lived in the wrong place — whether “wrong” ancestry means not being descended from ancient Judeans and Samarians or not having great-great-grandparents who lived in Palestine before the formation of the state of Israel.

The problem with Zionism is that it’s obscene for anyone’s status or rights in the area where they live to depend on their ethnicity or religion or where their ancestors lived. Zionism should be rejected not because we think Palestinians have a better claim than Israeli Jews to a blood-and-soil connection to the land, but on the basis of the universalist principles that have always formed the rock-solid normative basis of the socialist movement and, before that, were proclaimed by the French Revolutionaries in 1789.

Those principles say that everyone is entitled to the same package of rights, just for being a human being. Socialists think that package includes the right to have your material needs met and the right to have a say in the economic decisions that touch your life. But even liberals believe in a set of universal rights that are clearly inconsistent with displacing anyone from their homes or denying anyone a democratic say in the political institutions that govern them because they come from the “wrong” ethnic background.

Many actually existing liberals are woefully inconsistent in their application of these principles, especially when it comes to Israel/Palestine. But the principles themselves are correct, and sticking to them is the only way out of interminable and deadly land feuds.
Perhaps not, but I'm pretty sure that legally identified or recognized home ownership and national boundaries are still pretty solid in today's legal world... Internationally and/or domestically.
 
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Hiddenjems

Well-known member
There’s not a single candidate running on defund Israel. We don’t have a political choice in the matter. Our owners (Israel) say what happens.

Everyone knew that Israel owns the republicans, im just happy the dems are realizing they are owned as well.
 

moose eater

Well-known member
There’s not a single candidate running on defund Israel. We don’t have a political choice in the matter. Our owners (Israel) say what happens.

Everyone knew that Israel owns the republicans, im just happy the dems are realizing they are owned as well.
Cornell West and some others say different.
 

GenghisKush

Well-known member

FYI that article was written by Bernard Lewis, from his book Semites & Anti-Semites.

Here is the first few paragraphs of Chapter 4 of that book.


CHAPTER FOUR

Anti-Semites


THE TERM ANTI-SEMITISM was first used in 1879, and seems to have been invented by one Wilhelm Marr, a minor Jew-baiting journalist with no other claim to memory.1 Significantly, it first appeared as a political program in Vienna, the capital of the sprawling and variegated Hapsburg monarchy, which was also the birthplace of Zionism and of many other nationalist movements, and the meeting place of traditional Eastern and secular Western Jews.


Though the name anti-Semitism was new, the special hatred of the Jews which it designated was very old, going back to the rise of Christianity. From the time when the Roman Emperor Constantine embraced the new faith and Christians obtained control of the apparatus of the state, there were few periods during which some Jews were not being persecuted in one or other part of the Christian world. Hostility to Jews was sometimes restrained, sometimes violent, sometimes epidemic, always endemic. But though hatred of the Jew was old, the term anti-Semitism did indeed denote a significant change—not the initiation but rather the culmination of a major shift in the way this hatred was felt, perceived, and expressed. In medieval times hostility to the Jew, whatever its underlying social or psychological motivations, was defined primarily in religious terms. From the fifteenth century onward this was no longer true, and Jew hatred was redefined, becoming at first partly, and then, at least in theory, wholly racial.


The earlier hostility was basically and indeed profoundly religious. It was concerned with the rejection by the Jew of the Christian redeemer and message, and was documented by the account in the Gospels of the Jewish role in the life and death of Christ. The Jew was denounced and at times persecuted as a Christ killer and as a denier of God’s truths. While this hatred might be stimulated and directed by the roles which Jews were compelled to play in medieval Christian society, their persecutors did not normally condemn them for being different in race and language. Conversion to Christianity, if sincere, was considered to confer full equality and acceptance. This seems to have been true in practice as well as in theory, in Eastern as well as in Western Europe. Indeed, it is said that in the medieval Duchy of Lithuania, Jews who adopted Christianity were accorded the status of noblemen, because of their kinship to the Mother of God.


This religious hostility acquired racial overtones when Jews were compelled, under penalty of death or exile, to adopt Christianity. A voluntary conversion may be accepted as sincere. A forced conversion inevitably arouses the suspicion, above all among the enforcers, that it may be insincere. This is particularly true where the converts are very numerous, where they tend to intermarry with the families of other converts, and where they continue to play the same role in society that brought them envy and hatred as Jews. There had been occasional forced conversions throughout the Middle Ages, but these were mostly minor and episodic. The only full-scale expulsion of Jews from a whole country was from England in 1290, but the numbers were few, and there seems to have been little or no aftereffect among the English.


A very different situation arose in Spain, where Jews were present in great numbers, and had been very prominent in the social, cultural, economic, and occasionally even the political life of the country. Their position had been profoundly affected, both for good and for evil, by the eight-centuries-long struggle between Islam and Christendom for the domination of the peninsula. While Muslims and Christians lived side by side, both were obliged, even in the intervals of warfare, to show some tolerance to one another, and Jews benefitted from this in both Christian and Muslim Spain. But as the final Christian victory grew nearer, there was less and less willingness to tolerate any presence that would flaw the unity of Catholic Spain. In 1492, with the defeat and conquest of the Emirate of Granada, the last Muslim state on Spanish soil, the reconquest and rechristianization of Spain was complete. In the same year an edict of expulsion was pronounced against Jews, followed some years later by a similar decree against Muslims. Followers of both religions were given the choice of exile, conversion, or death.


From this time onward no professing Jew or Muslim remained in Spain or—a few years later—in Portugal. Great numbers departed in exile, but many preferred to stay, and went through a form of baptism in order to qualify. Not surprisingly, they were regarded with some suspicion by their neighbors, and there can be no doubt that there were great numbers of crypto-Muslims and crypto-Jews masquerading as Catholics. The former were commonly known as Morisco, in allusion to their presumed homeland in Africa. The latter, who had no homeland other than Spain, were called Marrano, a Spanish word meaning hog. A more polite designation for both groups was nuevos Cristianos, new Christians, in contrast to the viejos Cristianos, the old Christians, free from “any taint of Moorish or Jewish blood.”


Even before the expulsions, the absence or presence of such a taint had become an obsession, affecting the crown, the church, and much of Spanish society. The converso or convert was suspect to all three. The king needed loyalty against the ancient Moorish enemy. The Holy Office of the Inquisition was determined to extirpate heresy and unbelief—and where were these more likely to occur than among the conversos and their descendants? And the general population, delighted with the expulsion of unwelcome neighbors and competitors, were appalled to find that many of them were still around, lightly disguised as Christians. As far back as 1449, the first statute of purity of blood (estatuto de limpieza de sangre) was promulgated in Toledo. It declared conversos unworthy to hold positions of public or private trust in the city and dominions of Toledo. A series of other statutes to defend the purity of blood followed in the fifteenth century and after, by which Moriscos and Marranos were barred from various offices and orders and, incidentally, from the Inquisition itself, in which conversos had at an earlier stage been very active. In 1628 or shortly after, a Spanish inquisitor called Juan Escobar de Corro explained what was involved: “By converso we commonly understand any person descended from Jews or Saracens, be it in the most distant degree.… Similarly a New Christian is thus designated not because he has recently been converted to the Christian faith but rather because he is a descendant of those who first adopted the correct religion.”2


Several of the monastic orders adopted rules barring conversos and their descendants from membership. At first, the Papacy was opposed to such rules, insisting on the equality of all baptized Christians, but in 1495, a Spanish Pope, Alexander VI, formally ratified a statute passed by a Spanish order barring all conversos from membership. Thereafter, most such statutes were approved or at least tolerated by the popes. Thus, for example, in 1515 the archbishop of Seville, a former grand inquisitor, barred second generation descendants of “heretics” from holding any ecclesiastical office or benefice in the cathedral of that city. This statute was approved by the Pope, and subsequently extended to include the grandchildren and later the great-grandchildren of heretics. In 1530, the bishop of Cordova adopted a similar set of rules but went further, banning even the admission of New Christian choirboys. Describing the descendants of Jews and conversos as “a trouble-making tribe (generación), friends of novelties and dissensions, ambitious, presumptuous, restless, and such that wherever this tribe is found there is little peace,”3 the decree bars the admission of such persons as prejudicial to the interests of the Church. The statute prescribed a procedure to establish the purity of a candidate’s blood. He must swear a solemn oath that he is not of Jewish or Moorish descent, and must give the names of his parents and grandparents with the places of their birth. An investigator was to be sent to these places, and only after he had established that there were no New Christians among the candidate’s ancestors could he be admitted.


In its origins, the concern with “purity of blood” is religious, not racial. It begins with the suspicion that the converso is a false and insincere Christian, and that he imparts these qualities to his descendants. The notion of purity of blood was not new, but in the past, in medieval Christian Europe, it had had a social rather than a racial connotation, being concerned more with aristocratic than with ethnic superiority. But the special circumstances of fifteenth and sixteenth century Spain—the old confrontation with the Moors, the new encounter with blacks and Indians in Africa and the Americas, and the presence in Spain of New Christians in such great numbers and in such active roles, brought in time an unmistakably racial content to the hostility directed against these groups.


But even while the Spanish Inquisition was completing its allotted task, to seek out and destroy the hidden remnants of Spanish Judaism and Islam, further north a new spirit was moving, and a new and radical idea was put forward—that religion was a private affair and no concern of the state, and that followers of all religions were equally entitled to the rights of citizenship. As a result of the terrible religious and quasi-religious wars which devastated France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Britain in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a kind of war-weary tolerance, or perhaps rather lassitude, began to appear. The once universal religious fanaticism was by no means dead, but increasing numbers of people, both rulers and philosophers, began to seek for ways in which Catholics and Protestants of various denominations could live side by side in peace, instead of waging perpetual war.


One of the most influential was the English philosopher John Locke, whose Letter Concerning Toleration was published in both Latin and English in 1689. Many of the ideas expressed in it were already current among philosophers in Britain and on the Continent. In one respect, however, Locke went far beyond his predecessors, and that is in his conclusion that “neither Pagan nor Mahometan, nor Jew, ought to be excluded from the civil rights of the commonwealth because of his religion.”4 There were no “Mahometans” in Western Europe and few who dared avow themselves pagans. There were however Jews, who gradually became aware of the new mood and the opportunities which it offered them.


The first European country to give civil emancipation to its Jews was Holland. It was followed within a short time by England, which granted extensive though by no means equal rights to Jews both at home and in the English colonies beyond the seas. The ideas of Locke and other English libertarians spread both to the American colonies and to France, where they contributed significantly to the ideologies of both the American and French revolutions. Though neither revolution immediately accorded full equality to Jewish citizens, both took the first significant steps which ultimately led in that direction. In Germany, too, the eighteenth-century enlightenment brought a change in attitudes, though it was not until Germany was conquered by Napoleon’s armies that the new revolutionary doctrines gave some measure of civil rights to the German Jews. Imposed by French bayonets, these were a cause of fierce controversy in the years that followed the French departure.


Even in revolutionary France, the path of freedom did not run smooth.5 The famous Declaration of the Rights of Man, passed by the French National Assembly at the end of August 1789, had significant gaps. For one thing, it did not apply to the black slave population of the French West Indies, whose fate became a subject of passionate debate. Their emancipation did not come until later. For Jews—present and visible in France—things went somewhat faster. In January 1790, after some argument, the status of “active citizens” was extended to the old established Sephardic community of Bordeaux. But the far more numerous Jews of Alsace-Lorraine, living among a rather more hostile population, were excluded and it was not until the end of September 1791 that the National Assembly passed a general law enfranchising all Jews.


Several of the interventions in the debate express in vivid terms the point of view of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment and its philosophers. Thus, for example, a Protestant spokesman, pleading for his own people, added a word for the Jews as well:


I ask of you gentlemen, for the French Protestants, for all the non-Catholics of the Kingdom, that which you ask for yourselves, liberty, equality of rights; I ask them for this people torn from Asia, always wandering, always proscribed, always persecuted for more than eighteen centuries, which would adopt our manners and customs, if by our laws that people were incorporated with us, and to which we have no right to reproach its morals, because they are the fruit of our own barbarism and of the humiliation to which we have unjustly condemned them.6

And Robespierre himself adjured the Chamber:


The vices of the Jews derive from the degradation in which you have plunged them; they will be good when they can find some advantage in being good.7

Such statements in defense of the Jews and their rights did not begin with the French Revolution. They were part of a tradition which dates back to the late seventeenth century and which continued into the twentieth—a tradition which has been called philoSemitism, which defended the Jews against their detractors, attributed their faults to persecution, and pleaded for their admission to equal rights and full citizenship. This was a new phenomenon, without precedent in the history of Christendom. It had a powerful effect on the Jews who, in this new atmosphere and thanks to new laws, began to emerge, at first warily, then more confidently, from their seclusion—from the physical ghettoes in which their rulers and neighbors had for so long confined them, from the ghettoes of the mind in which they had enclosed themselves.


But this new situation brought new enemies, or at least new forms of enmity. One kind came from the very circles that had been most helpful to Jewish emancipation—from some of the deists and liberal philosophers of the Enlightenment. For many of these, the Church was the main enemy of humanity, and the Bible—the Jewish Bible—was the instrument of the Church. Voltaire’s famous phrase, “Ecrasez 1’infâme,” expressed succinctly what the deists thought of the Church, and what they wished to do to it. But in eighteenth-century Europe, even in the Protestant democracies, to attack the Church, or to question the Bible, was still hazardous if not impossible. It was safer and easier to tackle the enemy from the rear—to criticize and ridicule the Old, not the New Testament; to attack not Christianity but Judaism, the source from which Christianity sprang and of which it still retained many features. If, for Christians, the crime of the Jews was that they had killed Christ, for the new anti-Christians it was rather that they had nurtured him. This line of thought continued into the nineteenth century, when a favorite accusation levied against the
Catholic Church by its enemies in Germany was that it was “penetrated through and through with Semitism.” This reached new heights in Hitler’s time.


One of the most vehement critics of the Jews, in these terms, was the great Voltaire, whose hostility to both Judaism and the Jews—allegedly due to some personal difficulties with individual Jews—finds frequent expression in his writings. Indeed, the question has been asked whether Voltaire was anti-Jewish because he was anticlerical, or anti-Christian because he was anti-Jewish. An acute observer, the Prince de Ligne, after spending eight days as Voltaire’s guest at Ferney and hearing his views at length, remarked: “The only reason why M. de Voltaire gave vent to such outbursts against Jesus Christ is that He was born among a nation whom he detested.”8


Voltaire himself remarked, in one of his notebooks, in his own English: “When I see Christians cursing Jews, methinks I see children beating their fathers. Jewish religion is the mother of Christianity, and grand mother of the mahometism.”9 There are other indications in Voltaire’s writings of a cast of thought which can fairly be described as racist, as when he remarks, quite wrongly, that in ancient Rome “the Jews were regarded in the same way as we regard Negroes, as an inferior species of men.”10 In another place, ironically, in his Traité de Métaphysique, his philosophical narrator observes that white men “seem to me superior to Negroes, just as Negroes are superior to monkeys and monkeys to oysters.”11


Some clue to Voltaire’s antiblack racism may be found in a detail from his biography. The philosopher was engaged in a number of financial enterprises, some of them rather questionable. The most relevant was a large-scale investment in a slave trading enterprise out of the French port of Nantes, which according to contemporary witnesses made him “one of the twenty wealthiest (les mieux rentés) persons in the kingdom.”12


It was indeed against the blacks, and in defense of the enormously profitable slave trade, that the new form of racism first made its appearance. It was not until some time later that it was applied to the Jews. Both the American and French revolutions, despite their passionate love of liberty, had neglected to extend it to their black slaves, the one in the southern states, the other in the West Indies. This contradiction did not pass unnoticed, and before long the slave dealers and plantation owners found themselves on the defensive against the growing barrage of criticism, dating back to before the revolutions, in three of the major West European colonial powers—England, France, and Holland—and later also in the United States. For ordinary individuals, simple greed may suffice to justify their actions. For a society, however, formally at least committed to a religion or an ideology, some theoretical justification is required, for themselves as well as for others, to justify so fearsome an action as the enslavement of a whole race. When the Israelites, in accordance with the universal practice of the ancient world, enslaved the Canaanites whom they had conquered, they felt the need to legitimize this in terms of their own religious ethic, and found an answer in the story of the curse of Ham—Noah’s son, who committed an offense against his father and was punished by a curse of servitude falling upon him and his descendants. In the biblical story, it is only on one line of his descendants, Canaan, that the curse in fact fell. When the Muslim Arabs, advancing into tropical Africa from the Middle East and North Africa, initiated the great flow of black slaves into the outside world, they too felt the need to justify this action. The first answer was that the blacks were idolators and therefore liable to Holy War and enslavement; and when—with the spread of Islam among the blacks—this no longer sufficed, some of them adapted the story of the curse of Ham and, transferring it from the Canaanites to the Africans, amended the curse of servitude to a double curse of servitude and blackness.


Some of these ancient and medieval stories found their way, through Spain and Portugal and the Atlantic islands, to the slave plantations of the New World. But by the end of the eighteenth century—after the American and French Revolutions—the curse of Ham and similar arguments were no longer sufficient. A substitute, or rather a supplement, was found in the new science of anthropology, which had made impressive progress in this period. Scientists were now beginning to classify human beings according to their color, the size and shape of their bodies, the shape and measurements of their skulls. From the anthropologists, this new knowledge affected such major intellectual figures as Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) and Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), both of whom gave great importance to ethnic and even racial factors in culture and history.


Herder and Kant, like the early anthropologists, were still men of the Enlightenment. Attached to their own races, they were nevertheless ready to respect some others, and did not develop a doctrine of racial superiority. But some of the writers of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries introduced a new idea, which was to have far-reaching and devastating consequences. Men had always known that those who were unlike them in race or other collective features were different, foreign, and probably hostile. They were how taught that the other was not only different but inferior, and therefore genetically doomed to a subordinate role to which he must be kept. Specifically, according to this doctrine, the blacks were not only uncivilized—a condition which could be ascribed to environmental and historical factors. They were also, unlike the white savages who roamed the forests of northern Europe in antiquity, incapable of becoming civilized, and therefore—and this was the crux—best suited to a life of useful servitude. A similar argument, for similar reasons, may be found in some medieval Islamic philosophers, with the difference that by them it was applied to the fair-skinned bortherners as well as to the black southerners, both of whom differed from the light brown ideal of the Middle East and had therefore, in this perception, been created by God to serve them.


The application of this new kind of racism to Jews seems to date from the early years of the nineteenth century, and was encouraged by the German struggle against Napoleonic rule and French revolutionary ideas. In a pamphlet published in 1803 and entitled “Against the Jews: A Word of Warning to All Christian Fellow Citizens …,” the writer argues: “That the Jews are a very special race cannot be denied by historians or anthropologists, the formerly held but generally valid assertion that God punished the Jews with a particularly bad smell, and with several hereditary diseases, illnesses and other loathsome defects, cannot be thoroughly proved, but, on the other hand, cannot be disproved, even with due regard to all teleological considerations.”13 In this sample, the characteristic mixture of medieval bigotry and modern pseudoscience is unusually transparent. In the course of the nineteenth century, it became much more sophisticated.
 

moose eater

Well-known member
the septum piercing is there to show the world how easily she is (mis)led


And yet there are MANY others in each of those campus crowds who are far more articulate in stating or defining the issues than the 2 the poster found necessary (convenient to their bias) to post.

Why do you suppose the OP would select THAT segment of an interview?

I bet I know why.

I did 45 years of drug policy reform work. There were many people, young and old, who couldn't recite anything about the 1937 Marijuana Tax Stamp Act, Anslinger's mercenary mentality, or anything to do with the May 1975 Constitutional ruling in Alaska re. Irwin Ravin in Ravin v. State, based in the State's Article 1, Section 22 'Rights of Privacy', and the final pro-decriminalization precedent ruling by then-Chief Justice Rabinowitz, but they knew there was a problem, and their hearts were in the right place... and eventually we won and shoved -years- of the State's unconstitutional actions down their fascist, redneck throats.

I didn't mock their lack of fluency or literacy in some of the core foundations of what made us correct. I thanked them for their support and gave them solid information.

And the prohibitionists are still whimpering over it all. Propaganda and unnecessary ridicule have a short shelf life.

Edit: I think more of the unfounded bias is showing YUGELY.
 
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Microbeman

The Logical Gardener
ICMag Donor
Veteran
I think you'll find this op-ed (with which I agree wholeheartedly) relevant to your interests.
I can certainly agree with the combining to create a single nation but maybe call it something besides Israel. On the displacement from a proven ancestral line of land ownership/occupation, some major allowances/awards should take place to appease the theft; similar to what took place in Mexico with granting of Ejido lands.
 

moose eater

Well-known member
I can certainly agree with the combining to create a single nation but maybe call it something besides Israel. On the displacement from a proven ancestral line of land ownership/occupation, some major allowances/awards should take place to appease the theft; similar to what took place in Mexico with granting of Ejido lands.
Or in Canada, with First Nations getting land rights/claims and even having bands forged into a level of formal territorial or provincial government itself.

But the concept of a singular nation at this point is too far gone. When someone has had their boot on your throat and decimated your country and family for 75 years, and the boot's removed, it takes a pretty Zen motherfucker to say, OK, and simply walk away.
 

Microbeman

The Logical Gardener
ICMag Donor
Veteran
Or in Canada, with First Nations getting land rights/claims and even having bands forged into a level of government itself.

But the concept of a singular nation at this point is too far gone. when someone has had their boot on your throat and decimated your country and family, and the boot's removed, it takes a pretty Zen motherfucker to say, OK, and simply walk away.
Read my mind > almost added that - about First Nations in Canada
 

moose eater

Well-known member
Let's have some Zen, then.
I think I buried mine with the tofu diet and the rebuilt Pinnacle Pro vaporizer that now tastes like toxic glue.

I applaud others who can achieve that. I loved MLK and Gandhi. But personally, at a very early age I found pacifism to be a very painful route in life; still have a broken vein in my left eye from my head hitting a brick wall and decided to applaud those with greater patience and stamina than myself, while applauding, also, when ruthless bullies get their asses whipped beyond recognition.
 

GenghisKush

Well-known member
I didn't mock their lack of fluency or literacy in some of the core foundations of what made us correct. I thanked them for their support and gave them solid information.

And the prohibitionists are still whimpering over it all. Propaganda and unnecessary ridicule have a short shelf life.

Edit: I think more of the unfounded bias is showing YUGELY.

as mockery goes, suggesting that someone is easily misled is insanely mild.

but i am glad to give you reason to clutch so desperately those pearls, moose.

such indignity!
 

moose eater

Well-known member
“Major candidate”
I guess how major he would be is decided by you and millions of others. He has the votes at our house. We don't vote for poison, whether watered down or otherwise. Ever.

The public is free to continue voting for the lowest common denominators of mediocrity and weasels, those habitual liars representing Wall St. and the DoD/CIA/NSA, Big Corporations, et al,, or they can try to go back to voting for someone with heart, truth, and soul who actually gives a fuck about the commoners.

Me? I gave up masochism for lent.

But you'd said, initially, there was "not a 'single candidate'", not 'major'. To be accurate.

There are several candidates who don't support the genocide or putting Wall St. & the MIC ahead of their actual constituents.

America's voters' gullibility and inherent (as demonstrated) masochism, wherein they like (apparently) being fucked by their dishonest leadership, have the power to change this.
 
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