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    Hey dudes! I just noticed this is page 500! Congrats to the Chanting Growers from around the world who gather here as Bodhisattvas of the Earth. Don't limit the power of the Gohonzon!

    Chant and act to make your dreams come true! No matter what they are! We really can reside in The Land of Eternally Tranquil Light.

    Bowing in obeisance,

    Thomas (where the hell in Hitman?)


      Wooohoooooo page 500. This thread rocks. Thanks to all who have ever posted here. Now that you have seen the words you are sure to obtain buddhahood Much love to you all. The encouragement we recieve here is priceless. Thankyou all so much!!
      Nam Myoho Renge Kyo
      (Medical Patient In Compliance)

      Nam myoho renge kyo !! Mugi wasshin
      your bud

      Peace/ Be here now

      Babba's Farm L.L.C.

      The political views, or conspiracy theories, of icmag ownership, do not reflect my own views and are sole property of the participants


        Babba..I don't chant much but I do stop in every morning to see what you are saying at 6AM....DD
        Please join me in my 2020 now 2021 Doobie's Still Kicking
        ...a bunch of new girls 2021


          Daisaku Ikeda: A Biographical Sketch (continued)

          Political Involvement and Persecution

          In 1955, Toda made the decision to enter the Soka Gakkai into the political realm, fielding 53 capable Soka Gakkai members in Japan's local elections that year on independent tickets. He believed that the process of positive social reformation of Japanese society could ultimately not be separated from the political process. From Ikeda's account, Toda disliked the "Machiavellian machinations"(1) of politics and made the decision with mixed feelings.

          Political representation in Japan in 1955 was split between the conservative interests of big capital and leftist organized labor. Between these two poles was a large underrepresented segment of the population--non-labor-union members, small business owners and the like--who had been side-lined in Japanese politics, and about whom Toda was concerned.

          The following year, 1956, the Soka Gakkai fielded six candidates in the House of Councillors (Upper House) national election. Ultimately, three candidates were elected, including a candidate running in the Osaka district in a campaign led by Ikeda. It was this election result that caught the public's attention.

          The sudden emergence of a burgeoning grassroots network that could impact on national politics was greeted as a threatening development by the political establishment. The events following the election in the coal-mining town of Yubari, Hokkaido, demonstrate the vehemence of the social and political force brought against the Soka Gakkai and later Ikeda specifically, as he stood up to act upon Toda's social vision.

          Yubari was dominated by the Coal Miners' Union, then one of the strongest political forces in the country. When the House of Councillors election results showed that the union-backed candidates had lost votes to the Soka Gakkai candidates, the union, feeling threatened, initiated a campaign of intimidation and media propaganda against Soka Gakkai members and their families in the town, most of whom worked in or were in some way affiliated with the coal mines. Soka Gakkai members working in the mines were harassed and threatened, houses of Soka Gakkai members marked and their prayer meetings disrupted. Door-to-door visits were organized to persuade members to renounce their faith, and many felt their livelihoods threatened.

          Toda dispatched Ikeda to Yubari to resolve the situation. Under his leadership the local Gakkai members rallied and openly challenged the constitutionality of the union's actions, calling on them to justify their assault against the freedoms of speech and religion. Unable to publicly defend itself, the union backed down and ceased its harassment.

          This, however, was merely the beginning of the Gakkai's struggles.

          Unjust Arrest

          On July 3, 1967, Ikeda returned to Tokyo after three days of battling the unjust actions of the Coal Miners’ Union in Yubari, only to find himself summoned by the Osaka prefectural police and arrested on a charge that was later proven to be entirely groundless.

          A number of Soka Gakkai members had been charged with violating the random vote solicitation clause of the Election Law and the prosecutors accused Ikeda of responsibility. He was jailed for two weeks and interrogated.

          Armed with forced “confessions” from some of the arrested Soka Gakkai members, prosecutors pressed Ikeda to also sign a false confession, threatening that they would arrest Toda and raid the Soka Gakkai headquarters and Toda’s businesses.

          It was clear that the arrest of the Soka Gakkai members had offered a pretext for launching an attack on the Soka Gakkai. Despite the façade of democratization imposed by the Allied Powers, many of the power structures and personalized networks of influence that had operated with impunity in Japan in the militarist era remained unchanged. The nationalists within the Public Prosecutors Office had attempted to crush the Soka Gakkai in the 1940s and had imprisoned Toda and his mentor Makiguchi for their opposition to the militarist regime. For them, the Soka Gakkai remained a threat and its growing popularity was an alarming development that had to be dealt with.

          The case went to court but dragged on for four and a half years. Ikeda, however, was finally exonerated of all charges in January 1962. The prosecution did not appeal. Amongst other things, it emerged during the case that the prosecution had falsified the interrogation transcripts of arrested Soka Gakkai members.

          These were the first taste of the attacks by authority that would dog Ikeda in the decades to come. ---A.G.

          1) Ikeda, Daisaku. 1988. The Human Revolution, Vol. 5, 186. NY: Weatherhill, Inc.
          Last edited by PassTheDoobie; 01-25-2008, 13:44.


            Daisaku Ikeda: A Biographical Sketch (continued)

            Assuming the Presidency

            In 1957, Toda's goal of 750,000 households had been surpassed. In the space of a mere six years the Soka Gakkai had grown from an unknown "new" religion into a major social force within Japan.

            In 1958, Josei Toda passed away. In May 1960, Ikeda succeeded him as third president of the Soka Gakkai. He initially refused the executive directors' requests that he do so, knowing that the responsibility of leading the burgeoning movement would require a staggering commitment that left no space for any personal concern.

            The following entries from his diary reflect this struggle:

            "Monday, April 11; sunny--A critical meeting to decide the third president. Though I have declined several times, will I have no choice in the end but to make up my mind and accept? The tension I feel defies expression."(1)

            "Tuesday, April 12; overcast--My health is not good. Was told of members' pleas for me to assume the presidency. I turn them down."(2)

            "Thursday, April 14; rain, then sun--I can no longer refuse their request. It is unavoidable. Alone, I grieve over Mr. Toda. Alone, I have decided."(3)

            In his speech at the inauguration ceremony he told the 20,000 Soka Gakkai members gathered there, "Although I am still young, as a disciple of President Toda, I am resolved to take the lead, toward realizing world peace."---A.G.

            1) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2006. Wakaki hi no nikki [A Youthful Diary], vol. 4 p.227. Tokyo: Seikyo Shimbun Press.
            2) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2006. Wakaki hi no nikki [A Youthful Diary], vol. 4 p.228. Tokyo: Seikyo Shimbun Press.
            3) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2006. Wakaki hi no nikki [A Youthful Diary], vol. 4 p.229. Tokyo: Seikyo Shimbun Press.
            4) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2004. The Human Revolution, Book 2, p.1971. CA: World Tribune Press.


              Daisaku Ikeda: A Biographical Sketch (continued)

              Trip to the U.S.A.

              One of Ikeda's first initiatives after assuming presidency was to plan a trip to the U.S.A. in order to encourage the handful of Soka Gakkai members that lived there, mostly war brides who had emigrated with their American husbands.

              Ikeda's plan was met with incredulity by the Soka Gakkai leaders. The organization in Japan was to all intents and purposes new--having burgeoned from a few thousand to almost a million members in the space of a few recent years--and tremendous effort and attention would be needed to secure its organizational structure. The global spread of Nichiren Buddhism was not a prospect that even the senior leaders of the Soka Gakkai had yet begun to contemplate.

              Nevertheless, in October 1960, five months after his inauguration, Ikeda departed for the U.S., and during the same trip visited Canada and Brazil.

              The disjuncture between the vision of the young Ikeda and that of the other leaders of the Soka Gakkai at that time is now marveled at by those same leaders, the Soka Gakkai International today comprising some 12 million members in almost every country of the world--perhaps the largest and most diverse international lay Buddhist organization. The image of Ikeda boarding the airplane before his departure for the U.S. has thus come to symbolize, in some sense, what may ultimately be Ikeda's most remarkable and enduring quality: the scope and grandeur of his vision and his daringness to strive toward it.

              Ikeda's first port of call was Hawaii, where some dozen or so Soka Gakkai members lived. Two days later Ikeda and the four Japanese Soka Gakkai leaders accompanying him departed for San Francisco and from there to Seattle.

              The number of Soka Gakkai members in the U.S. was still very small, but Ikeda's ability to inspire the individuals he met proved a powerful impetus to the expansion of the Buddhist movement there. He established an organizational structure to encourage and facilitate more frequent interaction between the members and appointed people into positions of responsibility.

              Many of the Japanese women Ikeda met there were deeply unhappy in their adopted country and pining for the life they had left in Japan. Ikeda's encouragement to them to obtain American citizenship, learn to drive and improve their English abilities provided them with a set of clear, concrete challenges that enabled them to gradually transform their experience.

              In New York, Ikeda and his party visited the headquarters of the United Nations and observed a session of the General Assembly. Here, Ikeda recalls, he began to ponder the role and potential of the international body in creating peace in the world. This question would later become a sustained focus of his attention--an issue he continues to explore through proposals, dialogues and various collaborative efforts and other types of engagement between the SGI and the UN.

              Ikeda also recalls the impression of the vibrancy of the delegates from a number of newly independent African states. He remarked at the time, as he would again later, that he believed Africa would be "the continent of the 21st century." This too marked the beginning of an ongoing engagement with the continent, evidenced in a number of his writings, in efforts to promote cultural and educational exchanges and in his meetings and dialogues with African leaders. ---A.G.
              Last edited by PassTheDoobie; 01-28-2008, 05:46.


                Daisaku Ikeda: A Biographical Sketch (continued)

                The 1960s – Bold Beginnings

                The following year, 1961, Ikeda turned his focus to the East Asian continent, traveling to Hong Kong, Sri Lanka, India, Myanmar, Thailand and Cambodia. Here there were no SGI members, but Ikeda wished to understand the conditions and realities in these countries. The same year Ikeda also traveled to countries in Europe, visiting, among other places, the Berlin Wall.

                Ikeda's trip to Asia was also a practical step in response to the wishes of his late mentor, Toda, who, having lived through the era of Japan's imperialist expansion, was passionate that his disciples work to establish peace in Asia. During the trip, and particularly during the visit to Bodhgaya, the site in India tradition¬ally regarded as the place where Shakyamuni attained enlightenment, Ikeda began to ponder the idea of establishing an institution dedicated to research into Asian philosophy and thought traditions as a means of promoting dialogue and peace. The following year he established the Institute of Oriental Philosophy to pursue this vision.

                In 1963 Ikeda established the Min-On Concert Association, giving fuller expression to his vision of fostering peace through cultural and artistic exchange.

                Throughout this time Ikeda was simultaneously devoting tremendous effort to support the membership of the Soka Gakkai, traveling around Japan and meeting with members, delivering speeches, writing and lecturing on Buddhist teachings, plotting the development of the organization, nurturing young leaders. These efforts saw the organization's membership in Japan triple to more than 3 million households in the period between 1960, when Ikeda was inaugurated as the organization's third president, and 1964--a monumental achievement.

                Kaneko, his wife, recalls that Ikeda was frequently so exhausted on his return home at the end of the day that he could barely muster the energy to remove his shoes. Such intense effort has been the hallmark of Ikeda since his youth. One visiting scholar, for example, has described the deep impression made on him by Ikeda's clearly drained and exhausted bearing when the two of them left a Soka Schools ceremony together. Only moments before he had been caught up in the joyful, energized atmosphere that Ikeda had created as he addressed the students as the schools' founder, joking with and encouraging the participants. The contrast, he relates, moved him profoundly, giving him a glimpse of the enormous commitment and energy that Ikeda invested in his interactions, which, to others, can appear as simply effortless charisma.

                A quality of Ikeda's that is frequently remarked upon is his ability, amidst the constant pressure of his engagements and commitments, to give his utmost attention and concern to whoever is in front of him at that moment. His consistent effort to seek out and encourage those individuals outside of the limelight on any particular occasion is another manifestation of the detailed concern for others that--as much as his ability to offer others hope through his profound grasp of Buddhist principles and human character--has won him the deep admiration of so many.

                More than any intangible charismatic quality, it is the humanistic, hands-on style of leadership that Ikeda practices and teaches, together with the tremendous amount of energy he brings to all of his commitments, that defines him. ---A.G.


                  Daisaku Ikeda: A Biographical Sketch (continued)

                  Founding the Komei Party

                  It was in these early years of Ikeda's presidency that he made what has perhaps been his most controversial decision: the establishment of the Komei ("clean government") political party in 1964. The formation of a political party would give the Soka Gakkai's hitherto independent candidates greater influence within the Japanese party political structure to fulfill their mandate. The emergence of a party in Japan based on the humanistic and pacifist principles of Buddhism, a party guided by the principle of respect for the dignity of life, was necessary, Ikeda believed, to reform Japanese politics--to focus it more squarely on the welfare of the people--and bring about lasting improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens. The essential vision of the Komei party's founding, in short, was government underlain by the Buddhist principles of compassion and respect for life.

                  There was also a specific need for broader political representation. As he explains:

                  "...there had been no real political party working for the interests of ordinary people in Japan. The ruling conservative party was aligned with industry and big business, and the progressive parties found their base in the organized labor that worked for big business. But the Japanese populace was diversifying, and the largest number of people, who most needed the attention and support of the government, belonged to unorganized labor--a group that was neglected by the progressives and conservatives alike. The creation of a new party, whose base comprised not only organized labor but people working and living in all variety of circumstances, was crucial to returning government to the hands of the people."(1)

                  The political establishment, moreover, reflected the Cold War divisions, and "existing parties were either pro-American or pro-Soviet, and had little independence as political institutions. The people were no doubt eager for a political party that was not controlled by ideology or the interests of foreign powers but made the happiness and peace of the people its first priority and led the government from a moderate position."(2)

                  Elaborating further on the necessity of a Japanese party free of Cold War ideology, Ikeda writes,

                  "President Toda also believed that, amid the Cold War's intensifying threat of nuclear weapons, it was the responsibility of Japan, as the only nation that had been the victim of a nuclear attack, to speak out against that threat and become a messenger of world peace. In order for Japan to rise to that role, he strongly felt that political leaders with a global consciousness--an awareness that we are all members of the same global community, which he called 'global citizenship'--were indispensable. But the East-West rivalries of the Cold War were in fact brought into the Japanese political arena just as they were."(3)

                  The party adopted a strong social welfare stance, with the aim of bringing "the Buddhist spirit of compassion to the realm of government."(4) As the party's name implied, one of its primary focuses was also to challenge the corruption endemic to social and political structure of Japan. The political establishment at the time was essentially the same as it had been before and during the war, transformed only by the facade of democratization imposed by the Allied powers.

                  A Separate Institution

                  Though based on Buddhist principles of compassion and the sanctity of life and supported by the Soka Gakkai membership, Komeito was to be structurally and organizationally separate from and independent of the religious organization.

                  Ikeda writes, "We founded the Komei Party with the aim of realizing a government with the Buddhist principles of compassion and respect for life as its basis. This is different, however, from direct religious involvement in government. The Komei Party is a political party that seeks to contribute to the well-being of the Japanese people as a whole, and a distinct line has been drawn between its operation and that of the Soka Gakkai.... Religion cultivates the soil of the human spirit. The rich vegetation that sprouts, blooms, and bears fruit on that vast earth is culture in the broadest sense, and it includes government. We have tilled the spiritual soil and planted the seed for a tree, in other words, a political party. We intend to continue supporting it wholeheartedly in the future, but how it grows and the kind of fruit that it produces is ultimately up to the tree, the party, itself."(5)

                  Komei representatives would not be able to concurrently hold leadership positions in the Soka Gakkai; the organization's members were free to support any political party or candidate of their choice; and Komei was to recruit party members both from within and without the Soka Gakkai.

                  In addition, while Ikeda founded the party, he has from the very beginning disavowed any intention of entering politics himself and expressly removed himself from ever heading the Komei. He made only one policy proposal "that the Komei Party build into its foreign policy the formal recognition of the People's Republic of China and the party's intention that Japan work to normalize diplomatic relations between the two nations."(6)

                  Ikeda was under no illusions, however, and knew that the growing influence of the Komei party would threaten the political establishment and make both him and the Soka Gakkai targets of criticism and attack.

                  During a trip to Brazil in 1966, Ikeda responded to a journalist's question about his intentions of establishing political parties in other countries:

                  " Soka Gakkai members handle political issues in their respective countries is something they must discuss and decide amongst themselves. This is not something that I, as a Japanese citizen, could decide or mandate, and in fact I believe it would be wrong for me to do so. With that said, however, I personally don't think there is any need whatsoever for the Soka Gakkai to establish political parties in Brazil or any other country."(7)

                  The relationship between the Soka Gakkai and the Komei party in Japan today is one of an independent political party and its support-base. ---A.G.

                  1) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2003. The New Human Revolution, vol. 9, pp.315-316. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  2) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2003. The New Human Revolution, vol. 9, p.315. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  3) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2005. The New Human Revolution, vol. 11, p.15. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  4) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2003. The New Human Revolution, vol. 9,pp.315-316. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  5) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2005. The New Human Revolution, vol. 11, p.12. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  6) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2003. The New Human Revolution, vol. 9, p.319. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  7) Ikeda, Daisaku. 2005. The New Human Revolution vol. 11, p.113. CA: World Tribune Press.
                  Last edited by PassTheDoobie; 01-28-2008, 05:47.


                    "Bring forth the great power of faith, and be spoken of by all the people of Kamakura, both high and low, or by all the people of Japan, as 'Shijo Kingo, Shijo Kingo of the Lotus school!'"

                    (Earthly Desires Are Enlightenment - The Writings of Nichiren Daishonin, Vol. 1, page 319) Selection source: Q & A on Buddhism, Seikyo Shimbun, January 6th, 2008


                      Happy 500 pages! Here Here! Let's go for 500 more and many more shakubukus!

                      WOOOHOOO! Great stuff on this page too, this is getting better and better and better!

                      Doobie Duck, try chanting for "stuff", anything you want, try it out. Its alot of Fun, I started because Babba was doing it....

                      Gotta run to the culture center and go work on my study presentation for Sunday because today I invited my mother and she said if I pick her up she's down to come!!!!!!! She had her bone marrow test this week and I'm convinced our huge victory is on the way, no more cancer and a fresh new relationship for us! I'm very excited!



                        Originally posted by EasyMyohoDisco
                        a fresh new relationship for us! I'm very excited!

                        Easy and all, I am very excited too! Some great posts here and just want to express my appreciation to everyone who participates; posting and seeking and learning.

                        500? how bout let's get to 5000! for that matter...50,000!!! and picking up and helping out many more bodhisatvas.

                        T, that was just an awesome response to Easy's challenge on the Mentor/Disciple/Ikeda issue. when reading what Easy was going thru I wanted to somehow help but there is no way i could have found the explanations and ways to say it that you did. thank you so much! and congrats on your soon to be MD Leader appointment. What fortune your district members have!!!


                          More on Mentor/Disciple/Ikeda

                          MENTOR AND DISCIPLE: The Globalization of an Ancient Idea

                          Richard Seager is Associate Professor of Religion at Hamilton College and author of "Encountering the Dharma: Daisaku Ikeda, Soka Gakkai, and the Globalization of Buddhist Humanism" (University of California Press, 2006). Based on his East/West understanding of intergenerational creativity, he highlights one of the themes of his book below as he explains how mentor-disciple relationships operate within the Soka Gakkai, a lay Japanese Buddhist
                          organization based on the teachings of Nichiren.

                          go to this link, pages 12-13:


                            I posted a while back regarding SGI's financial handlings based on my experience and mentioned that up to that time SGI hadn't made many disclosures on these issues but that has changed somewhat. for those that may be interested go to this link:



                              It is certain that, even if there were an age when the sun rises in the
                              west, or a time were to come when the moon emerges from the ground, the
                              Buddha's words would never prove false. Judging from this, there cannot
                              be the least doubt that your late father is now in the presence of
                              Shakyamuni Buddha, the lord of teachings, and that you will receive
                              great blessings in your present existence. How wonderful, how splendid!

                              (WND, 655)
                              Good Fortune in This Life
                              Written to Nanjo Tokimitsu on January 19, 1276


                                "We use our voices not only to chant daimoku but to guide, encourage and
                                introduce others to the Daishonin's Buddhism. Our voice, therefore, is
                                very important. An angry voice, a coarse voice, a cold voice, an
                                imperious voice -- none of these will communicate how wonderful
                                Nichiren Daishonin's Buddhism is. I would like you to be humanistic
                                leaders who can encourage others with bright warm voices, so that they
                                will say, "What a lovely voice!" and "I'm always so inspired when I
                                hear you speak." Becoming this kind of leader is one actual proof of
                                your human revolution."

                                Daisaku Ikeda